China Superpower

Sample details Pages: 33 Words: 9915 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? The Dragon Awakes Will China be the next superpower China is a sleeping dragon. When it awakes, the world will shake. (Eccleston H, 2004, p290). Napoleon Bonaparte made this prophetic comment regarding China in 1808and it would seem that today China has indeed awoken. (Optimize, 2004p. 1). China has had unprecedented economic growth at around 9.5% perineum, a statistic even more impressive amazing bearing in mind that only in 1978 China was poorer than Korea and Taiwan were in the 1960s. (Nye 1997-98 p. 67). China also shows signs of extending its economic reach and is expanding its ventures into developed states. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "China Superpower | International Relations Dissertations" essay for you Create order Only recently the Chinese firm Nanjing bought the British ailing car firm MG rover for 50 million. (BBC News 2006 p. 1). Also in 2005 the Chinese Lenovo Group acquired IBMs PC business making Lenovo the third largest PC Company in the world. (Economic Times, 2005 p. 1) There is also a huge inflow of FDI (foreign direct investment) into China. China has established 22,245 new firms attracting $59.2 billion in FDI making a total of $33.4 billion in 2003. This makes China the top destination for FDI and a country that firms want to do business with. (Peoples Daily, 2003). It is thought by some observers that Chinas economy at its present rate could eventually overtake that of the US(United States). (Nye 1997-98 p. 67). If this is so, could China surpass the US in other areas and displace the US as the world superpower. There will be huge implication for international relations if this is to be the case. The writers hypothesis is that Chinas rise to superpower status will mean a shift of economic, military and cultural power from the west tithe east. Drawing on the work of John Mearsheimer that states are power maximizes, China will continue to pursue power in a bid to become the most powerful state in the international system, a position currently occupied by the US. (Mearsheimer 2001 p. 21). Even those who advocate that the spread of liberalism will lessen the need for the pursuit of power have not been able to ignore this development. Fukuyama in his book America at the Crossroads says that social engineering like that seen in Iraq leads to unexpected consequences and undermines its own ends. Therefore actions which are put forward as promoting peace and democracy turn into something they were not intended to be, the promotion of the national interest of the US. (New York Times, 2006 p. 2). Therefore a state whose power is so big it is unchecked is unable to police itself and act benevolently in the anarchic system. Its main concern is the accumulation of power and it will not be satisfied as purported by Waltz defensive realist view, by only seeking to acquire as much power so as to feel secure. (Bailys Smith 2005 p. 169-170). A world dominated by China A world dominated by China may be very different than the present world that has for the last two centuries been dominated by a western power. As already mentioned Chinas rise will not result in it being status quo power and therefore it will not be happy to work within system determined by western values. (Guardian 2005 p. 2). China has different values to that of the west and its rise will lead to the promotion of those values through its economic, military and institutional power. Therefore as Huntingdon notes, the new fault-lines will not be between ideologies like the two World Wars and the Cold War but between civilizations. This is due to the different views that cultures have in regard to relationships such as the citizen and the state, husband and wife, liberty and equality. (Huntingdon 1993 p.25). The west has promoted its values of liberalism as being the universal values of the world community. But due to the anarchic structure of the system these values have been used to promote its national interest. China will appeal to those states who have different view of the world that the one being put forward by the US and other western states. These states will have similar cultural values to China which stress the subordination of individual rights and elevate consensus differ from the western beliefs of liberty, equality and individualism. (Huntingdon 1993 p. 29). Indeed China is forging links with states that the US deems as rogue states such as Iran with its recent gas deal worth $100 billion. The US has imposed economic sanctions on Iran and this gas deal is a clear sign that China does not intend to work within a system determined by the US. Further, Iran is looking to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) which could act as a counterweight to US institutional power. (Asia Times 2004 p.1-2). The writer will look at Chinas potential superpower status using the neo-realist theory and its conceptual and methodological framework. This will entail the use of secondary research methods by exploring the concepts of neo-realism through the scholars in this field. This theory rose to prominence during the late 1970s due to the writings of Kenneth Waltz. (Buzau in Zale ski 2002 p. 49). It rests on the earlier realist perspective of writers such as E H Carr and Hans Morgenthau, which was dominant in international relations in the post-World War II era. Realism also rose due to the inability of the liberal perspective and its principles to maintain peace in Europe. (Bur chill, 2001 p. 71). It was concerned with the causes of war and ways in which it can be prevented. (Buzau in Zale ski 2002 p. 48). EH Carrs The Twenty Years Crisis was a critique of the liberal view that co-operation, under institutions such as the League of Nations, would render war obsolete. Carrs theory was proven when World War I broke out the day after his book was published. (Bur chill 2001 p.71). Morgenthaus work, Politics Amongst Nations (1948) sought to apply positivist methodology used in the natural sciences to international relations. Thus we can draw objective knowledge and laws from the social world in the same way that we can from the natural world. (Bur chill 2001 p. 77). He maintains that politics is governed by objective laws rooted in human nature and that human nature is reflected in the way states behave. The outcomes of the interaction of states are due to the behaviour of statesmen and thus human nature. (Bur chill 2001 p. 83). Morgenthau and Carr draw on a long philosophical heritage going back to the writings of Thucydides 460BCto 406BC and Niccole Machiavelli 1469 to 1527. The neo-realist perspective came about in response to the rise of liberal internationalism and their interdependency theory in the1970s. Neo-realism engages with this approach that deems the state tube less significant in an interdependent world due to the rise of institutions, regimes and transnational corporations. (Bailys Smith 2005 171). Realism recognised that it had to develop new tools to analyse these new developments. Thus realism reinvented itself sane-realism, acknowledging that such non-governmental actors exist, but they have to work within an anarchical international system where there is no overall authority above that of the sovereign state. This means states can never fully co-operate within these institutions due to the possibility that one state may gain more out of this co-operation. The anarchic structure of the system is where neo-realism departs from the earlier realist theory that human nature determines how states behave. Waltz systemic approach Waltz systemic approach is that it is the structure of the international system that determines the way states behave and not human nature. Despite this departure it can be said that there are core theoretical elements that underpin the earlier classical realism, modern realism of Carr and Morgenthau and Waltzs structural realism. This is known as the realist triangle of state, survival and self-help. (Bailys Smith 2005 p. 163). The primary actor in the international system is the state. This can be traced back to Thucydides time when the unit of analysis waste city-state or polis. (Bailys Smith 2005 p. 163). That said, Carr and Morgenthau were less state-centric in that they did not envisage the state as the final form of political community. (Burchill2001 p. 76). The state is the only legitimate representative of the people and it uses this legitimacy to wield its authority within and outside the state. (Bailys Smith 2005 p. 163). The second core element is that of survival. The priority of the state is to ensure its own survival in the anarchic structure of the international system. This concept is present in Machiavellis The Prince which details what leaders must do to keep hold of their power. (Bailys Smith 2005 p. 174). The third concept is that of self-help that Waltz deems necessary to gain security in an anarchic structure. Hedley Bulls The Anarchical Society(1977) concurs with Waltz that all states exist in an anarchical society where there is no higher authority than the sovereign state. Therefore national interest is the states first duty that ensures the right for citizens to feel secure within state borders. Self-help is necessary as this cannot been trusted to anyone else and this is achieved through the accumulation of power to reduce vulnerability in the anarchic system of states. The states first law of motion is to preserve the state and in order to do this it must pursue power. (Bailys Smith p. 162-3, 169). The writer has also been inspired by the academic Paul Kennedy (1989)in his book: The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. The writer will use this thesis to assess whether China is rising at the expense of the decline of the US. According to Kennedys thesis the rise and fall of power is cyclical thus once a great power has arisen it must inevitably fall. A state that has achieved economic strength will protect that strength using military power but this involves great cost. Eventually the cost will be too great and the power will decline and be replaced as evidence by the decline of Britain in 1873. (Nye 1990 p. 3) The United States has undoubtedly been the great power of the 20thCentury. Will it remain so during the 21st century or will it fall and be replaced by China thus confirming Kennedys thesis that all great powers will eventually follow this decline thus paving the way for the next great power? There are those who believe the era of the superpower is coming to amend. Fukuyama believes that states will not need to rival each other for power. The spread of liberal democracy and its sidekick liberal economy has triumphed over other regimes. (Fukuyama 1992). It is further believed that open economies create interdependency and sharing of common interests. (Nye 1997-98 p. 76). Also, the state is in relative decline due to the emergence of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and (World Bank) and also MNCs (multinational corporations. (Bailys Smith 164). Even in the US Congress the former House of Representatives speaker Newt Gingrich does not regard Chinas growth as in any way a threat whilst there are those who have views to the contrary. This highlights how the theoretical debate translates into apolitical one. There are those who view the universalism of western liberalism as unchallengeable and now the norm. This view may be borne out by the fragmentation of the Soviet Union but Matthew Rees views Chinas position as similar to that of the Soviet Union in that it threatens western values of liberty and democracy. (Nye 1997-98 p.65-66) . Mearsheimer has also warned of complacency against the Chinese threat, stating of the current good relation between the two states: this US policy (of containment) is misguided. A wealthy China would not be a status quo power, but an aggressive state, determined to achieve regional hegemony (Mearsheimer 2001) Another writer in this field Joseph Nye refutes the claim that the state is in relative decline. His thesis is that the classic realist view of states as the most important actors cannot be disputed due merely to the rise of NGOs. This is because it underestimates the nature of the system of states that is anarchic in structure. Therefore if there is no higher authority to settle disputes the state cannot leave its survival to others. It must ensure its own survival and the only way this can be done is for the state to increase its power capabilities. (Bailys Smith 164). Thus in regard to on-state actors it is business as usual in that non-state actors must still work within a system of states. Thus states will still vie for power within these organisations. (Bailys Smith p. 173). This is the soft power element of the state. Definition of power Mans control over the minds and actions of other men. (Morgenthau (1948) cited in Bailys Smith p. 173) Power is a highly contested concept because it is difficult to assess what elements actually constitute power. The traditional view of powers the possession of resources that include the size of population and territory, military might and economic strength. (Nye 1990 p. 26). Thus the resources of each state can be measured and compared. But measurement is not enough as evidenced during World War Two when France and Britain had more tanks that Germany but still Germany was able to outmanoeuvre the allies. Therefore when assessing power we also need to assess a states ability to convert its resources into such power assume states can do this more effectively than others. (Nye 1990 p.27). These avenues to power will be explored and the evidence that China has these capabilities will be extrapolated. The basis for power does not remain unchanged and must be assessed in its own context. For example the basis for power in 18th Century Europe was its population as it provided soldiers and tax resources. Today it is much more difficult to pinpoint the resources that provide the basis for power. (Nye 1990 p. 27) It is therefore not sufficient to look at the concept of power merely in terms of hard power or tangible resources. As Nye has noted in the post-cold war era there has been a shift in the balance of power in the anarchic system. The bipolar world has shifted to one that is unipolar with the US as the sole superpower. The US has exhibited all the usual traits associated with this position such as military, economic and territorial strength. But advances in technology and the emergence of NGOs and MNCs have meant a closer more interdependent world. Interdependence between states does not mean co-operation as liberals purport. It can be used to further national interest and this type of influence is the intangible soft power element of state apparatus. (Nye 1990 p.30). We can see soft power in action through the Washington consensus where the US is the leader in these institutions. We can also see soft power through the spread of the USs liberal ideology in terms of economics and politics in what Fukuyama has called the Triumph of Liberal Democracy. (Fukuyama, 1992). This soft power has served to reinforce the USs hard power resources by gaining it consent and legitimacy as the dominant power. (Nye 1990 p. 33). The universalism of American culture has also helped to further the power of the US by enabling it to establish values and beliefs that are consistent with its own society. Therefore the thesis of this dissertation is that China will be the next superpower by maximizing its hard power resources to secure itself in the anarchic system of states. Also, due to interdependence among states and the growth forgoes and MNCs it will seek soft power in its pursuit of power capabilities. The consequences of this systemic shift will mean the promotion of Eastern collective values over Western liberal individualistic tendencies. Part One: Hard Power Resources The Economy: If, as Kennedy suggests, Chinas rise will be at the expense of the US, then at present most US concerns are directed at rapidly growing Chinese economy. There are certainly some impressive claims being made about the rise of Chinese economic power. Jeremy Warner writes that like it or not, from Chinas impact on finite world resources to climate change and the laws of supply and demand, it is transforming the way we live with a speed barely imaginable just a few years ago(The Independent January 27, 2006). Over the last 27 years, China has grown at an average rate of 9.6 present per annum, reaching a GDP of 2.2 trillion in 2005 (The Independent January 27, 2006). In 1979, China represented 1 per cent of the world economy, with foreign trade totalling $20.6 billion. Today China accounts for 4 per cent of the world economy, with $851 billion in foreign trade, the third largest in the world (Fijian 2005, p19).There is of course still a lot of progress to be made Chinas economy for example is still only one seventh the size of that of the US(Fijian 2005, p19) but it is the rate of growth, along with plans for future expansion, the countrys high savings ratio, and plans to expand supplies of nuclear , clean coal, hydro-electric and renewable forms of energy that lead US experts to believe that one day China will challenge the US as the worlds dominant superpower. Larry Summers, former US Treasury Secretary has compared the integration of China into the world economy as one of the three gr eat economic events of the last millennium on a par with the renaissance and the industrial revolution (The Independent, July 23, 2005). The US has had similar fears about economic competition in the past. In the early 1980s it had concerns about the economic successes being enjoyed by Germany and Japan fears that were allayed after stagnation in both countries. With China however, US fears appear to be deeper-rooted, primarily at the incredible rate of progress seen in China. Whilst the US economy may still be much larger at present, the rate of growth in China will continue to narrow the gap quickly. And of course, there is an ideological issue at the heart of the US fears about China how is a Communist country succeeding where others have stumbled? The answer lies partly in Americas own attempts to take advantage of the economic conditions in China when Deng Xiaoping began to open up China to the rest of the world. China had historically been an insular nation, separated from the rest of the world and failing to make the most of its earlier technological advances. Deng understood that whilst China had a huge labour force, to succeed it needed to be organised, competitive in international markets and producing the type of goods that the rest of the world wanted to buy. For this to happen, China would need help from the outside world. The result has been huge foreign investments as companies from across the world have attempted to take advantage of Chinas low labour costs. As Stephen King concludes, foreign investors have turned China into the worlds biggest assembly plant: China may be a one-party state, but the authorities know all about Adam Smith and the division of labour (The Independent, February 13, 2006). China is gradually picking off the economies of other G7 nations. Whilst its economy is still considerably smaller than Americas, by the end of 2004 it was bigger economically than France, Italy and Canada(The Independent, February 13, 2006). Germany and Japan are likely tube overtaken soon and then China will have the US firmly in its sights. It will have the opportunity to challenge US regional and global hegemony. Whilst there is an optimistic view that the economic growth in China will lead to long-term mutually beneficial cooperation with the US, more likely outcome is growing tension between the two. As China continues to grow, it will gradually begin to demand more of the worlds scarce resources oil prices for example are already high and may be pushed higher by Chinese demand. The same will happen with other commodities with the result that Chinas success increases the commodity bill for US consumers and increases global competition for raw materials. The US consumer may also put pressure on the government to curb Chinese economic expansion. With petrol being so lightly taxed in the US, motorists are affected directly by oil price rises. As The Economist reports: they want somebody to blame and they may have heard that China is scouring the world to lock op oil supplies for its own energy security (The Economist, September 3, 2005). Both the US and China have some common economic interests. Both benefit from free trade for example. However, with China now exporting six times as much to the US as it imports from it (The Economist, September3, 2005)., it is now China that has the most to gain, something of an irony after years of America hammering on its door to access Chinese markets. There have also been concerns in the US that China is trying to but its way into strategic assets within the US. In June 2005,CNOOC, a Chinese state controlled company attempted to buy Unocal, medium sized US oil company. Hawks within the US administration argued against allowing oil firms to fall into Chinese hands and, with public opinion in the US against the deal, it eventually fell through. The Chinese view on globalisation has been mixed. There is a view that globalisation gives a stronger reason for economic cooperation between economically strong states and certainly the acceptance of global brands into Chinese culture supports the argument that it has embraced globalisation. On the other hand, globalisation tends to reinforce US and Western interests first and foremost and the 1997-99 Asian financial crisis has convinced many within China that it could expose Chinese economic vulnerability. As Foot concludes: with Americas advantage in technological innovation, revolution in military affairs and cultural domination, globalisation seemed to confer gains on Washington and thus further to reinforce the unipolar structure (Foot2006 p82). Military Power To assess Chinas rise to Superpower status we need to look at how it ranks in regard to military strength and capability. (Waltz 1979 p.131). The Neo-Realist view is that the nation-state is the most natural form of society and it should be defended for the national good. (Kennedy p. 90). Armies are essential for controlling land and bringing security to the nation state and which is the main objective in a world of states in a system of anarchy. (Mearsheimer p. 86). Due to competition for resources in a world of anarchy military powers a crucial instrument of the national interest. (Garnett, 1987 p.71). Thus military power is monopolised by states and used to protect states from external force. It is the capacity to kill, coerce or destroy and plays a significant part in international politics that will not be supplanted until the system of states is transformed. (Garnett 1987, p. 69-71). Those who have the most military strength are usually the most influential and the most respect ed in the system and certainly a proposition shared by Mao Ste-Tungs saying that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun. (Garnett 1987, p.74). Recent analyses of the Chinese military threat from Washington have expressed growing concern. The 2005 Pentagon report concluded that China could threaten not just its smaller regional neighbours like Taiwan but eventually modern militaries operating in the region. This can be taken to include the US. (Washington Post July 23, 2005). Yee and Storey suggest that there are a number of contributing factors to the belief that China is gradually attempting to extend its influence in the region 1)its territorial disputes with other countries in the region have intensified, 2) its rapid economic development has accelerated its military modernisation process and 3)China has elevated re-unification with Taiwan as a higher priority following the successful retrocession of Hong Kong in 1997 and Macau in1999(Yee and Storey, p4). These factors can be interpreted as evidence of strategic expansion in the region, with territorial claims on the islets in the South China Sea being seen in particular by Chinas neighbours as a sign of a policy of expansion. The hard-line policy on Taiwan and the refusal to abandon the threat of military force against it is also seen as evidence of an aggressive state. As Harry Harding writes: the rest of the world has viewed the prospect of a Greater China with both fascination and alarm. Some see it in benign terms, as a dynamic common market that provides growing opportunities for trade and investment. More frequently, however, there has been concern that the combination of economic and military resources available to China will pose a significant threat to the commercial vitality and the strategic stability of the rest of the region (Yee and Storey p4). There is certainly evidence that China is building up its military capability to the point where it could at least challenge the US in the region. Whilst Kennedy had written in 1989 that Chinas army is strong numerically but woefully under equipped in modern instruments of war(Kennedy 1989, p577), more recently China has bolstered its naval, submarine and cruise missile capabilities, is in the process of purchasing advanced aircraft systems and is building a nuclear missile arsenal that is capable of striking virtually all of the United States(Washington Post, July 23, 2005). Whilst much has been made of Chinese reforms since 1979 since in terms of economic growth, it is important to realise that there have been great efforts made to reorganise the military from the early 1980sonwards. Plans were put in place to reduce the Peoples Liberation Army from 4.2 million to 3 million (Kennedy 1989, p579) and develop a much more professional force with a higher quality of personnel. In 2000, the total estimated strength of the Chinese military was 2.5million, of which an estimated 1.8 million are ground forces. The overall strategy for the PLA is an overall reduction and reorganisation of both equipment and personnel with a view to creating a more modern and mobile army. In terms of equipment, China falls a long way behind the US military but is looking to modernise. It has a tank inventory of around10,000,many of which are Soviet or Chinese built. Its air force possesses around 4,350 aircraft, the majority of which are combat aircraft. The government is also looking to develop a local aerospace industry that would have the capability to produce technologically advanced aircraft, whilst continuing to import aircraft from Russia. The government also has plans to buy a number of AWAC aircraft from Israel. More recently there have been statements from Chinese military strategists that indicate that China is gearing up to use its military hard power resources. Taiwan will be the most likely arena for the flexing of Chinese military power. General Wen Zinger , political commissar of the Academy of Military Science has stated that the Taiwan problem is of far reaching significance to breaking international forces blockade against Chinas rise to rise suddenly, China must pass through oceans and go out of the oceans in its future development(Washington Post July 23, 2005). For proponents of the Chinese threat, such statements support the realist view that China is seeking to increase then demonstrate its power in the international arena. Just as Morgenthau argues that the pursuit of power in world politics is both natural and justified, surrealists will argue that China will become unsatisfied with the existing global power structure and adopt a policy of imperial expansionism aimed at attaining both regional and global hegemony (Yeaned Storey 2002, p7). Whilst China also has the option of economic and cultural means to accomplish its strategic objectives, military force remains the most traditional form of imperialism, and the most likely course for China to take once its economy is fully developed. Joseph Nye observes that the rise of China is actually a misnomer and that a more accurate term would be the re-emergence of China. Certainly, China has long been a major power in East Asia, and technologically and economically it was the worlds leader (though without global reach) from 500 to 1500, before being overtaken by Europe and America. Indeed, Chinas re-emergence would equate with Kennedys argument that power across the globe is cyclical. China already has some issues with the US and the other great powers over foreign policies. As a member of the UN Security Council it has traditionally opposed the views of Western states on the international arena and is continuing to do so in spite of its closer economic ties with the West. Whilst China may accept that at the present time it must operate in a US-dominated unipolar world, it believes that its future should at least lie in a multipolar world encompassing the US, China, Europe, Russia and Japan (Foot, 2006, p81). Certainly during the 1990sthere was Chinese unease at the continued American dominance in global affairs with issues such as further NATO expansion eastward, the renegotiation of terms of the US-Japan alliance, US defence missile systems and intervention in Kosovo being of particular concern. Chinas population can be both a hard power resource and a burden. Its current population of 1.3 billion is expected to continue to rise until2030 when it will peak at 1.5 billion before going into decline. Population of such a size is of course a huge resource in terms of manpower, yet a huge burden on the domestic economy and from a domestic security point of view and massive number of people over which to maintain effective control. Western states continue to lobby the Chinese government for greater democratisation, yet the fear of anarchy from a more liberalised system would appear to be keeping the leadership committed to an authoritarian regime. From a realist perspective, it is the combination of economic and military power of China that will ultimately lead to conflict with thus. The build-up of such hard resources will be seen as a threat by thus regardless of any good neighbour policies that Chinese diplomats may point to. Realists within the US policy making sphere will argue that China is merely biding its time until its economy is strong enough to provide a basis for future hegemony. Thucydides argument that the belief in the inevitability of conflict can be the cause of war is appropriate here if both sides believe they will eventually end up in conflict, the military build-up will continue, economic cooperation will fade away, and conflict will become unavoidable. China will eventually have to seek further power in order. Certainly, as the Chinese economy continues to grow, it is likely that its military power will increase. For example, early in 2005, it announced a 12.6 per cent increase in defence spending (Nye, Daily Times March 27, 2005), something that makes it appear more dangerous touts neighbours and further complicating US military commitments in Asia. A RAND study has projected that Chinas military expenditure will be more than six times higher than Japans by 2015 and accumulated military capital stock at around five times higher (Daily Times, March27, 2005), again something that suggests it is looking to achieve regional hegemony before aiming its sights higher and looking for global hegemony. Whilst a global military challenge to the US in the short term is unlikely, there is certainly a possibility that China could challenge the US in East Asia, or even more probably over Taiwan. China would almost certainly intervene militarily if Taiwan were ever to declare independence, irrespective of the military or economic cost. No Chinese leader can afford to be seen as the one that lost Taiwan permanently and at present, the Wests main concern about the Chinese military rests around possible action in Taiwan. Chinas perception of US strategic aims is also an important factor, particularly set against the theory that two nations that believe in the inevitability of war will eventually come into conflict. There has been criticism within China of the Bush administrations attempts to move the focus of strategic policy away from the Atlantic to the Pacific. This has included an increase in military assistance to Taiwan, and, in the eyes of some Chinese commentators, adjusted China into the position of strategic enemy. Undoubtedly, in the eyes of some US officials, China is already a strategic competitor or opponent rather than a partner. Zhou Jamming has commented that the US view of China is something that could escalate tension between the two nations: the security situation we face now is that we are being treated as the main opponent, not the secondary opponent, by the worlds only superpower. The situation is not temporary, but will continue for a long time. When faced with such a situation, we must consider our countrys national security strategy, national development strategy and national unification strategy from the perspective of a worst not best, possible (scenario) and from a practical situation rather than idealistic principles. Only then can we stand firm and face the current severe situations (Nye and Storey p31). Similarly, at present, whilst the US still has an undoubted military and economic superiority over China, it can be the perception of threat that can lead to tension between China and other nations. Yeaned Storey argue that it is an imagined or hypothetical Chinese threat that may hinder its relations with other countries, distorting its image across the globe and so having a negative impact on its open door policy and the process of democratisation (Yee and Storey p33). Many Chinese, including elements of the leadership find it difficult to understand that the West sees the country as such a threat. There is feeling amongst the Chinese that the West is attempting to demonise China and that the idea of China as a threat is indeed becoming threat to China in itself. The neorealist view that an emerging power will eventually generate confrontation with an existing power is almost self-perpetuating the belief in the West that China is a threat will eventually force China to act aggressively in its own defence. Within China, the theory of the Chinese threat is seen as evidence that Western powers do not wish China to become strong, powerful and prosperous. In fact, the idea of a Chinese threat has itself become motivating force for Chinese nationalism. The accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 sparked a wave of anti-Western demonstrations across China. Clearly there is an element faint-Western feeling that may manifest itself in a more serious form in the future. China continues to strengthen its regional alliances, a further sign that it sees itself as a long-term challenger to US dominance. In August 2005, it carried out its first joint military manoeuvres with Russia (The Economist September 3, 2005) and whilst both nations stated that the event was an anti-terrorist operation, it is hard to believe that there was not an implicit message to the US involved. Of equal concern to the US, is Russias supplying of military equipment to China. During the recent joint manoeuvres, Russia deployed strategic bombers that military analysts believe China would like to buy as part of preparation for possible future conflict with the US over Taiwan. Chinas hard power resources are still a good way behind those of thus. However there is evidence that its economy will certainly continue to grow in the coming decades into a position where it becomes a direct competitor to the US. The Chinese military is also reorganising and building up its strength. If it can do so to the same extent that the economy, then China will have the hard power resources to challenge US dominance. Soft Power Resources: Soft power resources can encompass a number of different factors, from a nations ability to influence and set the agenda on the international stage, to the appeal of its culture, values and beliefs. In the case of China, its lack of democracy and poor human rights record have led to questions about its values and beliefs, yet its recent economic development, the positive nature of its public and official diplomacy and the strength of its business community have contributed to an increase in its soft power. It is an important concept; whilst there has been a great deal of attention paid to Chinas growing economic and military power, far less has been paid tithe rise of its soft power, and as Nye suggests: in a global information age, soft sources of power such as culture, political values and diplomacy are part of what makes a great power. Success depends on not only whose army wins, but also on whose story wins (Wall Street Journal Asia 29 December 2005). Chinese leaders have primarily utilised soft power resources in an attempt to portray itself as a still developing nation with a long term strategy no more ambitious than establishing itself as a great power, yet still secondary to the US in a still unipolar world. Whilst realists will argue that China is a long-term threat to US global dominance, a number of other commentators see Chinas aims as peaceful. This is very much the impression that the leadership likes to portray. General Xing Sizing, President of the National Defence University has written: Chinas socialist system determines that my country will always adopt an independent and peaceful foreign policy, aiming at retaining world and regional peace as well as a good neighbourly policy towards our border states. Chinas socialist system also determines that my country will always adopt a defensive national defence policy and military strategy. Now and in the future, my country will not seek global or regional hegemony, nor w ill join any military alliances, nor will participate in any form of arms race, will not station troops or establish military bases abroad, and will not start a war to invade another country (Nye Storey, p27). Rosemary Foot argues that the Chinese accept US dominance on the international stage, whilst being confident that China is at least on the rise, unlike former superpower rival Russia. Whilst China has increased its military spending over the last decade it is not about to exhaust itself in an unproductive arms race with the US (Foot 2006p83). Foot suggests that from the start of its reform period in 1979, the key goal for China has been achieving a comprehensive national strength, something that requires a peaceful regional and global environment. Again, the Chinese leadership has attempted to influence others that its rise would be benign and mutually beneficial the Foreign Minister stated in 2002 that the development of China is not challenge, nor a threat, it is a new opportunity for development (Foot2006, p85). The messages coming out of China, in effect the show of soft power, consistently suggests that the nation simply wants to concentrate omits economic development without any form of conflict. Sheng Fijian argues that China will transcend ideological differences to strive for peace, development and cooperation with other nations that will be beneficial for all (Fijian 2005, p22). Chinas development targets for the next 50 years are also designed to reassure the US that its intentions are peaceful, targeting a doubling of its GDP by 2010, further doubling by 2020, with an aim to advance until 2050 until it Isa prosperous, civilised nation, on a par with the middle rung of nations (Fijian 2005, p24). The Chinese leadership would also like to portray its acceptance that the US remains the only country with the capacity and ambition for global primacy. It will argue that the US has sufficient hard power advantages over any other nation to remain dominant, that military victory in Afghanistan has strengthened the US position as it now has political, military and economic footholds in Central Asia and that it has also strengthened its military presence in South East Asia, the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. Wang Jixi supports the Chinese leadership in attempting to set this type of agenda, arguing that the gap between the two nations is too great for a US-USSR style confrontation. He states, Chinas political, economic, social and diplomatic influences on the US are far smaller than the US influences on China (Jixi 2005, p41). From 1996,China has adopted a new security concept as a way to boost its soft power. With this concept it has moved away from power politics to develop a more prominent role in promoting regional security. Number of its actions have been designed to boost its standing in the region: it offered assistance to neighbours during the 1997-99financial crisis; it has engaged with the ASEAN regional Forum Adaptec; in November 2002 it signed up to the Declaration of parties in the South China Sea, renouncing violent means of dealing with disputed sovereignty claims in these waters, and; in 2004 it joined the Nuclear Suppliers Group and applied for membership of the Missile Technology Control Scheme (Foot 2006, p86). China has also stepped up its contribution to UN peace building and peacekeeping operations in an attempt to portray itself as a responsible emerging power. Even in its direct relations with the US, China has attempted to accommodate when possible. After the terrorist attacks on September 11, China allowed the FBI to set up a legal attach office in Beijing (Foot 2006, p86)and whilst disagreeing with the war in Iraq, was less vocal in its criticism than the likes of France and Germany. The only issues over which China has consistently disagreed with the US in recent years are Taiwan, US criticisms of its human rights record and Chinas view that the US has attempted to undermine the role of the UN Security Council. Whether the Chinese government actually has a defined strategy for soft power is debatable. Soft power generally stems from non-governmental institutions such as businesses or cultural groups rather than particular governmental actions, yet in China it would appear that soft power tools are operating within a framework developed by the government. Whilst it lacks the economic power of more developed nations, China has stepped up its aid to developing nations and has built up a range of bilateral relations with nations as diverse as Russia, India, France, Iran and Brazil (Foot 2006 p85) to serve as a form of insurance policy should relations with the US deteriorate. Soft power can also include the promotion of language and culture. China promotes the spread of its language and culture both throughout South East Asia and the rest of the world and more recently there has been an increase in outbound tourism, again boosting the image of China, particularly across South East Asia. Enrolment of foreign students into China has increased from 36,000 to 110, 000 over the last decade and the number of foreign tourists has increased to 17 million(Wall Street Journal. 29 December 2005). Chinese books, television shows and brands are growing in popularity across the region and into Europe for example Kieran, shirt sponsors of Everton FC, used the profile of the Premiership to build awareness of its mobile phone brand. (Eaves, Epson Fletcher 2005). China is attempting to enter the area of global popular culture as well, a further method of exercising soft power. The 2000 Nobel Prize for Literature was won by Chinese novelist Gaol Xingjian and the Chinese film Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon was the highest grossing on-English film (Wall Street Journal Asia, December 29, 2005). In thus, Chinese basketball player Yao Ming is the star of the US National Basketball Associations Houston Rockets and of course Beijing is set-to host the 2008 Olympic Games. China will also point to its lack of resources in some areas as another tactic in the sphere of soft power. Whilst its economy has made huge gains, Chinese officials will argue that in per capita terms it remains ranked 100th in the world (Fijian 2005 (p20), a fact that leaves it ranked as still a low-income developing country. China will also suggest to those who see it as a threat that is still has huge poverty and a scarcity of natural resources. Its per capita water resources are one quarter of the world average, its per capita resources of cultivable farmland 40 per cent of world averages and its per capitol and gas resources are 8.3 per cent and 4.1 per cent of world averages respectively (Fijian 2005 p20). In diplomatic circles, China will use facts such as these to play down its ambitions. It will suggest that it is different to emerging powers of the past in that its rise is driven by capital, technology and resources acquired through peaceful means rather than by wars of ag gression. Ultimately Chinas greatest soft power resource is its ability to influence on the international stage and maintain the concept that its not a threat to the US or the second rung of world powers. Whilst realists may ignore this line of argument, there are many others who have been persuaded. Rosemary Foot summarises the views of those who accept the Chinese line: China does not seek hegemony or predominance in world affairs. It advocates a new international, political and economic order, one that can be achieved through incremental reforms and the democratisation of international relations. Chinas development depends of world peace a peace that its development will reinforce(Foot 2006, p25). Chinas soft power is an important resource. The spread of Chinese culture across south east Asia is gradually extending its influence throughout the region and its ability to sell itself as a peaceful nation on the world stage is convincing some to turn a blind eye to the dangers of its economic and military gains. Part Three: Liberalism or Authoritarianism? Chinas authoritarian socialist political system is seen as another important factor contributing to the Chinese threat. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, China has taken on the mantle of being the worlds last major communist power. Over the same period, a number of other regimes in East Asia have overthrown authoritarian regimes and embraced democracy for example South Korea, Indonesia and the Philippines. China has made little progress in moving towards democratic reform, despite Western pressure that followed the Tiananmen Square incident in1989 and this remains one of the major sources of tension between China and the West. The Chinese leadership refuses to accept or adopt Western democratic values or to share its centrally controlled political power with its population. Those who have attempted to push for peaceful political reform in China have been frustrated despite the spread of liberal democratic values and ideas in other parts of the region. It Isa situation that continues to put China at odds with the US and other major powers. As Yee and Storey conclude: As far as the West is concerned, socialism is no longer a viable political system and theres continuous resistance to democratisation is unacceptable (Yeaned Storey, p3). There are of course vast ideological differences between China and thus, the superpower that it may one day usurp. From a realist perspective, it is these differences that will lead the two nations almost inevitably into conflict should Chinas economic rise continue. There are two broadly contrasting views of relations between the US and China: firstly the hope that China will find long-term accommodation with the US and the economic benefits of partnership will outweigh the need for confrontation and; secondly the realist view that predicts conflict on the grounds that China will eventually be tempted to try-out its military strength, and also that the US will never tolerate China as a world power of even as a secondary world power in Asia and the Pacific. The ideological differences between the two are beginning to emerge, particularly amongst US conservatives. Many feel that Chinas military build-up plus its sale of arms to states seen as rogue by the US is threat. Others are concerned that Chinese bids for US oil firms are part of a strategy to buy up America and threaten its security, whilst ideological differences with the American Christian Right are even more pronounced the lack of religious freedom and birth quotas in particular are repellent to many in the US (The Economist, September2005). The US military and defence policy makers also view with concern the improvements in the military capability of what they see as a nasty authoritarian regime. The Pentagon is rightly concerned that Chinas rapidly modernising army appears to be far larger and better equipped than its own defensive needs require. A recent review concluded that: China does not now face a direct threat from another nation. Yet, it continues to invest heavily in its military, particularly in programmes designed to improve its power projection (The Economist, September 3,2005) China most certainly appears willing to make alliances with countries that are seen as unacceptable to the US Iran is the most obvious example of this. The West also needs to realise that there are plenty of other nations that do not necessarily aspire to the Western democratic model of government and may look to China than the Wests liberal democracies for future alliances. Chinas economic success under an authoritarian regime must give food for thought to political leaders elsewhere. Russia for example, with its history of autocratic tsars and a communist one party state may come to see China as a role model for economic recovery. As Stephen King argues: Chinas strength not only changes its relative economic position vis--vis the US, but through boosting the incomes of commodity-producing nations around the world, is making them think twice about their support for US economic and political hegemony (The Independent, February 13, 2006). There are in essence, two fundamentally contradictory forces within Chinese politics that mirror encapsulate the tensions between liberalism and authoritarianism. Economically, China has fully embraced capitalism and has made a success out of doing so. Domestic politics however remains based on an old-fashioned Soviet style Politburo and Central Committee. The free market economy has been readily accepted, yet at the same time the leadership governs in a repressive manner, keeping a tight control over many aspects of peoples lives. Censorship of the media is strictly controlled and the government goes as far as employing large numbers of bureaucrats whose sole job it is to censor internet website deemed as contrary to the revolutionary ideals of the government (www.queensjournal.ca). China has also realised that US global hegemony is not merely economic, military or territorial. The US also uses ideology as a weapon across the globe, highlighting democracy and human rights as values that should be the international norm. US intervention abroad for example, is usually carried out under the flag of fighting for democracy. Obviously, the two nations have little in common in this area China may well see itself as a standard bearer for other forms of government, those that do not necessarily conform to the Western style forms of liberal democracy. The clash between authoritarianism and liberal democracy is likely to remain a key element of relation between China and the West. The US remains outwardly committed to the spread of Western friendly democracy across the globe, whilst Chinese leaders remain steadfastly opposed touch values. Such a clash of values leaves little real hope furlong-term strategic partnership between China and the US. If China reaches a point where its economic and military strength equals that of the US, conflict over ideology is a likely consequence. Conclusion: The US holds the unchallenged position of being the worlds only superpower at present. International relations take place in a unipolar world, where a tier of great powers such as Germany, Japan and the Unveil for position in a second tier of states. None of these states are likely to challenge the global hegemony enjoyed by the US. China however is different. It may at the present be time be further behind the US than other powerful states, but such is the speed of its economic growth that it seems inevitable that it will, within the next two to three decades, be best placed of the rest of the nations in the world to challenge US dominance. There is some debate as to whether China really wishes to challenge thus it may be more beneficial to work as a strategic partner and assume the benefits of economic cooperation with the US. The difficulty however, is that the established nation state system may not allow this to happen. The temptation to pursue further power from a position of strength has guided states for many centuries. The fact that Chinas economic growth may one day put it on an equal footing with the US will almost inevitably lead the two into conflict. The US will increasingly see China as a threat, and China will eventually reach a point where, for its own security, it will feel it necessary to challenge the US. There are contrasting views as to how Chinas rise will affect the future international order. Whilst the argument of Kennedy et al is that the dominance of all superpowers must eventually to end, there Isa view that the US position is simply too strong to be overtaken and certainly that China is too far behind ever to challenge the US militarily. China certainly prefers to suggest that is unlikely to ever seriously challenge US hegemony. The relative hard power and soft power resources of the existing superpower and the emerging power give some idea as to whether China can overtake the US. At present, the US economy remains considerably larger than the Chinese, yet notably the gap is shrinking. Most economic analysts predict Chinese parity in the next 30 to 40 years. In military terms, the US appears even further ahead of China, yet it would seem that China is now making a determined effort to rectify this. Military spending is on the increase and a more modern, professional military is appearing. Much of the Chinese military still remains outdated, yet as its economy grows, as does its capacity to invest in its military. It may be some time before China can challenges global hegemony, but gradually China is flexing its military muscles and exerting a greater regional influence. Neorealist theory argues that a growth in military strength will follow a rise in economic power and this is what is happening in China. Its increase in defence spending in recent years would suggest that it has ambitions greater than simply maintaining its own regional security. China would appear to have advantages over the US in terms of soft power and is becoming increasingly influential on the international stage because of this. The war in Iraq has damaged the international reputation of the US and thus its ability to influence indirectly the actions of other states. The deaths of Iraqi civilians and a growing belief that the conflict was engineered to give the US access to Iraqi oil has lessened the ability of the US to utilise soft power and win the hearts and minds of other states. Chinas opposition to the war and support for the role of the UN in contrast has put it in a better light with other states opposed to the US action. The continued efforts of Chinese diplomacy to sell the idea of its peaceful rise is again a triumph for soft power and something that is allowing the Chinese to continue its economic and military growth without the concern that it perhaps justifies. Chinas ability to form partnerships and alliances with nations from different parts of the globe and with a variety of political systems also serves of evidence of its growing influence. With this there is a likelihood of a growing movement of social, economic and political power from West to East. The continued growth of Chinese influence may lead to the Western liberal democratic values becoming more marginalized across the globe. The classic realist argument of the likes of Morgenthau was that the tendency to seek power and dominate is a natural element of all human associations and thus part of the essence of international politics. Agnation state will pursue its political power and national interest ball available instruments. China is doing this at present through economic growth. It is its most effective means at present of maintaining the national interest. At some point however, China will have to consider the use of military force to further its interests. The scarcity of natural resources will almost certainly bring China into confrontation with the US a state that is unlikely to accommodate an equal in military or economic terms. China may have peaceful ambitions but this will matter little once its economic strength begins to threaten US dominance the two nations are to far apart ideologically to accommodate each other in a multipolar strategic partnership. At some point conflict will arise, and if Chinas military over the next few decades can match the economic growth already seen, it will be well on the way to overturning US dominance and becoming the next world superpower. References BIJIAN Z, Chinas Peaceful Rise to Great Power Status, Foreign Affairs Journal, vol 84 (5), September 2005 BULL, H., (1977). The Anarchical Society. London: Macmillan BUZAN,B., (1991) People, States and Fear: An Agenda for InternationalSecurity Studies in the Post Cold War Era. (2nd ed). London: HarvesterWheatsheaf BUZAN B, FOOT R, Does China matter?, 2004, Routledge, London ECCLESTON H, Megacrises, Xlibris 2004 FOOT R, Chinese Strategies in a US-hegemonic global order:accommodating and hedging, International Affairs Journal, VOL 82 (6),January 2006 FUKUYAMA, F., (1992) The End of History and the Last Man. London: Penguin HUNTINGDON, S., The Clash of Civilisations. Foreign Affairs Journal. Summer 1993, 72: 3 JISI, W, Chinas Search for Stability with America, Foreign Affairs Journal 84(5) September 2005 KENNEDY, P., (1989). The rise and fall of the Great Powers: EconomicChange and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000. London: Fontana Press KING STEPHEN, Dengs revolution means China is set to overtake Americaas biggest economy within 30 years, The Independent, February 13, 2006 MEARSEIMER J The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, New York, Norton 2001 KEOHANE, R., AND NYE, J., (1988) Complex Interdependence in theInformation Age in KEGLEY, C., AND WITTKOPF, E., (2001). WorldPolitics: Trends and Transformations. 8th ed. St Martins: New York NYE, J., (1990). Bound to lead: the changing nature of American Power. New York: Basic Books NYE, J., Chinas Re-emergence and the Future of the Asia-Pacific. Survival. Winter 1977-98, 39: 4. NYE J, Chinas Peaceful Rise?, Daily Times, March 27, 2005 WARNER JEREMY, Excitement, confusion and fear: the reaction to the Chinese phenomenon, The Independent, January 27, 2006 YEE H STOREY I (2002), The China Threat, London, Routledge INTERNET RESOURCES BBC NEWS: (2006) Chinese get more time over Rover. OPTIMIZE MAGAZINE: (2004) Exploring Global Paths. THE ECONOMIC TIMES: (2005) New emerging trends in India, China. www.economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/978117.cms [Accessed 5 March2006]

Jonathan Edwards And Nathaniel Hawthorne - 1294 Words

â€Å"Have no fear of perfection - you ll never reach it,† said famous Spanish painter, Salvador Dali. Dali seems to be implying that no matter the effort, perfection is unattainable and something that should not be feared by anyone. Famous Puritan authors Jonathan Edwards and Nathaniel Hawthorne in their works give the same impression as Dali, they both believe that the strive for perfection is both unrealistic and unattainable. In regard to the unattainably of perfection Hawthorne and Edwards’ opinions differ greatly, Edwards believes that even though perfection is unrealistic, one can and should still strive for it, while Hawthorne on the other hand believes that because perfection will never be reached, it would be unnecessary for one to strive for it. Jonathan Edwards in his sermon â€Å"Sinners in the Hands of an Angry G-d,† proposes one very significant question. What can man do to achieve perfection? Edwards states that: You probably are not sensible of this; you find you are kept out of hell, but do not see the hand of God in it; but look at other things, as the good state of your bodily constitution, your care of your own life, and the means you use for your own preservation. But indeed these things are nothing; if God should withdraw His hand, they would avail no more to keep you from falling. Edwards is teaching his audience one thing: that no confusion should be made, G-d is all that is keeping you from hell, not yourself, but G-d. He is giving one simple answer to hisShow MoreRelatedThe Evolution of American Literature637 Words   |  3 Pagesironically brought with them however, as their descendent Nathaniel Hawthorne would show in The Scarlet Letter). Religious topics continued to dominate early American literature in the 18th century, for example, in the works of Jonathan Edwards and Cotton Mather. 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The Foreign Investor in Oil & Gas Management

Question: Evaluate the function and aims of stabilisation clauses and comment on how they seek to achieve the stability that parties desire. Answer: The foreign investor who tends to participate in the international petroleum industry is typically a long term investor due to capital intensive nature of the underlying industry. Such ventures are vulnerable on account of any unilateral action by the host government which may adversely impact the interests of the foreign investor (Berger, 2003). A potential remedy for the above concern is in the form of a stabilisation clause which acts as a guarantee against unilateral action on the part of the host nation. These clauses are common in the modern day petroleum contracts especially if the host country is politically unstable. The origin of the stabilisation clause as part of the petroleum contracts can be traced back to the 1930s when the interests of the American oil companies were jeopardised due to the mass nationalisation of strategic assets initiated by Latin American countries. Till the 1970s, the stabilisation clause offered protection against expropriation. During the 1970s, there were several arbitral awards for nationalisation of assets which gave rise to better understanding of mutual interests on the part of host government from 1980s (Cameron, 2006). It was hoped that this would eliminate the need for the stabilisation clause but this has not been the case. Instead, the mechanisms to implement these clauses have got more complex and varied in nature depending upon the credibility of the host nation (Fortier Stephen, 2004). Since the turn of the 21st century, there have been numerous attempts on the part of the host governments of petroleum producing nations to alter the fiscal arrangements present in the petroleum contracts. Although the underlying motive behind these attempts was not uniform, but one factor that paid a crucial role was the surge in international crude prices (Berger, 2003). This led to a fundamental shift in the bargaining power in the hands of the oil producing nations as a result of which, these nations wanted to benefit from this surge in oil prices. This phenomenon is not just limited to the third world countries but also includes the OECD producers such as UK and USA. A case in point is that of UK which in December 2005, increased the taxation burden with regards to petroleum by 100% as it was indicated that returns in the North Sea had reached a level of 40% from the normal levels of 13%. This increase in returns led the government to introduce changes which enhanced their share of the oil frenzy. Similar case was also observed in case of USA with regards to the oil being produced from the Gulf of Mexico (Cameron, 2006). However, it would be nave to believe that this was the major or only factor that led to unilateral actions on the part of the host government. In case of certain third world countries which had oil resources, stabilisation clauses were offered in the 1990s so as to attract investment and mitigate the underlying political risk. However, in a bid to offer exceptionally robust deals to investors, the financial implications of these are often not understood by the host government at the time of extension. This is particularly true for these nations which had limited exposure with regards to implementation of these clauses. However, when later these clauses are put into practice, they are found to be highly inflexible and lead to dispute which leads to alteration of the fiscal arrangements. An example of this phenomenon is experiences in Kazakhstan (Comeaux Kinsella,1994). However, a positive aspect of such alterations is that these are primarily forced and once altered, these are usually backed by subsequent stabilisation clauses which offer protection against future unilateral action. Certain governments alter their tax regim es which tend to have a direct or indirect impact on the fiscal obligations for the foreign investor. In case of absence of stabilisation clause, there are procedures for negotiation and redressed so that the disturbed equilibrium can be again restored. With contracts having the stabilisation clause, arbitration acts as key provision which discourages the government from taking unilateral actions (Coaele, 2002). From the above discussion, it is evident that in wake of the empirical incidents involving unilateral actions which are not limited to any particular geography, stabilisation clauses have become a mandatory component of such agreements leading to the proliferation of the same. In order to implement stabilisation clauses in the petroleum contracts, it is imperative to understand that the most crucial aspect of any such contract is the fiscal regime that essentially drives the division of profits between the host governments or state owned oil company and the foreign investor (Bouchez, 1991). This is essentially wider in scope than just tax and royalties and would also involve clauses related to recovery of cost along with profit sharing ratio. Besides there are other aspects that are critical which involve security of titles, right to sell or export petroleum, repatriation norms with regards to foreign currency along with flexibility on operational norms. Thus, stabilisation is requir ed beyond the fiscal regime only as other aspects may have significant impact on the underlying profits generated (Dolzer, 2002). There are various enforcement mechanisms with regards to achieving stabilisation of both fiscal and non-fiscal regime. One of the most primitive ones in this regard is freezing of the contractual agreement clauses to any unilateral action on the part of the state. A blanket freezing encompassing both the fiscal and non-fiscal clauses of the contract is rather uncommon, however milder forms of freezing are often observed particularly those limiting themselves to the fiscal clauses only. Freezing was common in the era of nationalisation by the government but in the modern day, it inevitably leads to inflexibility and hence is implemented in the form of partial stability provided to the foreign contractor with regards to the key clauses (Cameron, 2006). Another measure to ensure stabilisation is economic balancing. The economic balancing provisions advocate rebalancing if changes in the contract are executed after the conclusion of the agreement and these changes are detrimental to the interest of either of the parties or both the parties involved in the contract. Economic balancing may be achieved in namely two forms one is automatic and the other is through negotiated amendments in the contract with the intention of rebalancing. In case of automatic rebalancing, the stipulated action is clearly stated in the contract for various unilateral actions and is implemented automatically once triggered. However, considering the wide range of unilateral actions possible for the state, usually economic rebalancing is achieved through negotiated amendments (Hansen, 1988). Further, in the event that negotiated amendments cannot be concluded, then the right to arbitration is also included as part of the economic balancing stabilisation clause. Besides, normally a mix of the automatic and negotiated approach is usually adopted so as to resolve the common issues faced through automatic rebalancing while the uncommon issues can be resolved through negotiated approach (Salacuse, 2001). It is imperative to note that it is not always that unilateral action by the host government would be harmful to the interests of the foreign investor and may fact at times be beneficial. Further, it may so happen that at times that state government may not unilaterally take an action but due to alteration of laws in the neighbouring country, the prevalent law may change which may adversely impact the investors interest. The stabilisation clauses do not tend to cover such action which was evident in the case of Kazakhstan where the VAT rate charge was linked to the correspond ing charge in Russia and therefore when Russia hiked its tax, Kazakhstan had no choice but to increase its tax even though it did not had any direct intent to do the same (Cameron, 2006).Therefore, despite the best of intent by both parties, there are limitations to the economic balances stabilisation. Yet another mode of achieving stabilisation is the intangible cause which ensures that no modification in the petroleum contracts would be initiated on a unilateral basis by any of the parties and any modifications what so ever would be enacted only with the mutual consent of the various contracting parties. It is imperative to note that such clauses unlike unfreezing do not provide immunity against the legislative action but merely provide protection against any unilateral action. This is often found in the modern day petroleum contracts when absolute immunity is a rarity and in order to safeguard mutual interests of the parties, such clauses are inserted into the agreements (Dolzer, 2002). Further, another means of providing stability to the foreign investor practised in certain nations is through legislative support. In this, the concluded agreements are ratified by the parliament of the host country so as to accord legal status to such agreements. Usually this provides much secur ity to the foreign investor although this in effect would be notional as alike other statutory laws, this may also be altered by the parliament at the future date and hence may defeat the purpose but yet in certain third world countries, it was a highly popular measure amongst investors as it provided some semblance to them (Amador,1993). Further, there are certain stabilisation mechanisms which are found in international law and seek to protect the aim of the investor against any arbitrary action of the state. One of the most common measure in this regard is the BIT (Bilateral Investment Treaty). This treaty is enacted typically between two nations with the intention of providing protection to the interests of foreign investors (hailing from the two respective countries) against reckless and arbitrary state action. One of the prevalent mechanisms present in BIT is the ISDS (Investor State Dispute Settlement) system which typically calls for international arbitration so as to ensure that the interest of the foreign investor is safeguarded (Bouchez, 1991). In case of petroleum contracts, it is not assumed that international law is automatically applicable but still in the presence of BIT and considering the stakes, diplomatic pressure and international arbitration cannot be denied. But it is advisable, that during nego tiation of the contract, the foreign investor should press for the inclusion of this principle irrespective of the presence of BIT or not. This is especially imperative as the legal system in third world nations is found wanting and can be tardy, corrupt and state controlled (Cameron, 2006). It is imperative to note that the stabilisation clauses are offered by certain nations only where the perceived political risk is high coupled with geological risk. Countries such as OSCD where the political regime is highly stable and based on rule of law, the stabilisation clauses are not offered. Further, countries such as Saudi Arabia and Brazil with proven oil reserves also do not offer stabilisation clauses. However, other nations do use this as an incentive to attract foreign investors (Berger, 2003). While stabilisation through various above mechanisms may lure investors, however there are certain limitations which may limit its scope. Firstly, the stabilisation clauses must be in line with the legal framework of the host country. This is particularly true with regards to freezing clauses which do not stand the test of the time as the laws that would be enacted in the future would prevail over the freezing clause as the sovereignty of the host nation is paramount (Chatterjee, 1988). Secondly, stabilisation clauses tend to be restrictive in scope and therefore focus on mainly the fiscal regime while ignoring the non-fiscal clauses which are increasingly gaining more importance (Cameron, 2006). From the above discussion, it may be concluded that foreign investors aim to achieve stabilisation in petroleum contracts especially when operations are based in countries having high political risk and/or geological risk. However, over the period of time the mechanism of providing stabilisation has altered from freezing to other measures that have been discussed. Typically, a mix of the various measures is deployed in the contracts to provide stability to the investors. The relevance of these clauses continue to remain, however their ambit should expand and seek to include the non-fiscal regime as environment increases is becoming a significant parameter (Cameron, 2006). Further, the host governments on their part should also understand the risks of taking unilateral actions and should aim for actions based on mutual consent and respect for the interests of the various parties involved. References Amador, G 1993, State Responsibility in Case of Stabilisation Clauses, Journal of Transnational Law and Policy, Vol.2 No. 2, pp. 23-50 Berger, P 2003, Renegotiation and Adaptation of International Investment Contracts: The Role of Contract Drafters and Arbitrators, Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, Vol. 36 No. 2, pp. 1347- 1380. Bouchez, LJ 1991, The Prospects for International Arbitration: Disputes Between States and Private Enterprises, Journal of International Arbitration, Vol.8 No. 3, pp. 81-115. Cameron PD 2006, Stabilisation in Investment Contracts and Changes of Rules in Host Countries: Tools for Oil Gas Investors, AIPN, Available online from https://www.rmmlf.org/Istanbul/4-Stabilisation-Paper.pdf (Accessed on July 25, 2016) Chatterjee, SK 1988, The Stabilisation Clause Myth in Investment Agreements, Journal of International Arbitration, Vol.5 No. 4, pp. 97-111. Coaele, MTB 2002, Stabilisation Clauses in International Petroleum Transactions, Denver Journal of International Law and Policy, Vol.30 No. 3, pp. 217-237. Comeaux, PE Kinsella, SN 1994, Reducing Political Risk in Developing Countries: Bilateral Investment Treaties, Stabilisation Clauses and MIGA OPIC Investment Insurance, New York Law School Journal of International Comparative Law, Vol.15 No. 4, pp. 1- 48. Dolzer, R 2002, Indirect Expropriations: New Developments? New York University Environmental Law Journal, Vol. 11 No.4, pp. 64-93. Fortier, LY Stephen LD 2004, Indirect Expropriation in the Law of International Investment: I Know it When I See It, ICSID Review Foreign Investment Law Journal, Vol. 19 No. 5, pp. 293-296 Hansen, TB 1988, The Legal Effect of Given Stabilisation Clauses in Economic Development Agreements, Virginia Journal of International Law, Vol.28 No. 3, pp. 1015-1041. Salacuse, JW 2001, Renegotiating International Business Transactions: The Continuing Struggle of Life Against Form, International Lawyer, Vol.35 No. 5, pp.1507-1541.

Man or Brute free essay sample

The Analysis of the Monster of Frankenstein: Man or Brute What is the difference between man and beast? The answer to that question is as grey as the gloomy clouds that constantly hang over Dr. Frankenstein’s head. Mary Shelley’s characters Dr. Frankenstein and his monster from her novel Frankenstein blur the lines between civilized and animalistic. Before chapter ten the monster is an ominous character, only being seen a few times. The true disposition of the character has yet to be established. Through the setting of the passage, and rhetorical questioning Mary Shelley builds on the motif of redemption and using invectives is able to build layers of depth and complexity of the character. Shelley characterizes the monster as isolated, self pitying, vulnerable, and aggressive. Mary Shelley uses the dismal and frigid setting of chapter ten to indirectly characterize the monster as isolated and cut off. During the paragraphs preceding the meeting of the monster and Dr. We will write a custom essay sample on Man or Brute or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Frankenstein, he orates the scene in great detail, saying that â€Å"A mist covered the surrounding mountains. Presently a breeze dissipated the clouds, and I descended upon the glacier† (Shelley 80). The description generates an icy and desolate ambiance surrounding the setting right before the entrance of the monster. By introducing the monster into a dismal and frigid atmosphere Shelley deepens the layers of the monster’s character by creating an indirect link between him and the setting. The setting is elaborated when the monster himself describes his habitat by saying, â€Å"dreary glaciers are my refuge† and â€Å"These bleak skies I hail, for they are kinder to me than your fellow-beings† (82). Shelley repeatedly uses the word â€Å"glacier,† first when Frankenstein describes the scene and again when the monster describes them as his â€Å"refuge†. The word glacial, which means of ice, or icy,   builds the foundation to make the connection between glacial and the synonym frigid. Also, the utilization of words such as â€Å"dreary† and â€Å"bleak†, which are synonyms with dismal, reinforcing the fact that the monster, himself feels more secure in the remote and abyss like caves than in civilization. Therefore, he is an isolated creature cut off from the human world, which leads to the formation of feelings of indignation towards humans and his self pitying nature. Through the use of rhetorical questioning Shelley expresses the monster’s feelings of indignation, inducing the characterization of his self pitying nature. Feeling wronged by humans, especially his creator, the monster eludes to his distress through questions such as, â€Å"Have I not suffered enough that you seek to increase my misery? (81). The monster uses phrases like this in the effort to make Dr. Frankenstein aware of the pain he has inflicted. However, Dr. Frankenstein is not remorseful for his actions, so again the monster floods Frankenstein with statements such as, â€Å"am I not alone, miserably alone? You my creator abhor me† (82). The â€Å"misery† that the monster refers to is the neglect and rejection that he feels from his creator, which in return fuels his hatred towards humans, and his feelings of sadness for himself. The repetitive use of the polarizing structure of â€Å"I† verses â€Å"You† shows the monster’s tendency to blame Dr. Frankenstein for all his misery in order to feel the gratification of his self pitying actions. In the eyes of the monster the only way to justify the matter is   for Frankenstein to accept him. The motif of redemption is prevalent throughout out the passage as the monster pleads for it, which characterizes him as vulnerable. The monster beseeches Frankenstein for redemption and acceptance by saying â€Å"I am thy creature Remember that I am thy creature;   I ought to be thy Adam† (81). In the simile of the monster and Adam, the monster hints at the fact that he has sinned, and yearns for compassion and redemption from his creator. Like Adam in the biblical story when he sinned and ate from the tree of knowledge he became aware of his nakedness. In the context of the monster the nakedness represents vulnerability. The comparison of Adam and the monster is used by Shelley to bring humanistic characteristics to the monster by hinting at his corruption and vulnerability. On multiple occasions the monster says â€Å"I entreat you to hear me† (81) and â€Å"How can I move thee? † and again saying â€Å"Listen to my tale† (82). At least three separate times the monster pleads for a chance. By asking for redemption the monster puts himself at the mercy of Dr. Frankenstein, making himself emotionally vulnerable. The layers of the monster are built by having constant contrast between the monster emotional vulnerability and physically dominance. Mary Shelley contrasts the monsters emotional vulnerability with physical aggressiveness; shown through short invective outbursts. After seeing that Frankenstein was unmoved by his plea the monster resorts to contemplating physical retaliation. The invectives, short intense emotional verbal attacks, can also be described as verbal threats. For example the monster says, â€Å"Do your duty towards me, and I will do mine towards you and the rest of mankind†¦but if you refuse, I will glut the maw of death, until it be satiated with the blood of your remaining friends† (81). The graphic threats towards Frankenstein help to characterize the monster as aggressive. Not only does the monster threaten Frankenstein’s friends he threatens all humans saying â€Å"deliver them from the evil†¦ Not only you and your family, but thousands of others, shall be swallowed up in the whirlwinds of its rage† (82). As the passage goes on the threats become darker and more horrific contemplations, resemble   more animalistic than civilized thoughts. Shelley clouds the line of reason on whether or not the monster is human or beast. Mary Shelley is able to create an antagonist with such depth, by using the setting to indirectly characterize the monster as isolated and cutoff. She comments on the natural need for acceptance and how when this is not met, it leads to the formation of emotional vulnerability. Shelley adds complexity to the monster by exploring the cause and effect relationship between the lack of acceptance of his creator and his constant need for Dr. Frankenstein’s affirmation. The aggressive tendencies shown in the text through invectives as threats, also hints at the monster’s animal like origins. This passage is essential to the understanding of the monster, because it offers immeasurable insight to the minds and mannerisms of the characters. The lines that separate human from brute become blurred and the criteria for being a man are questioned. Work Cited Shelley, Mary. Chapter 10. Frankenstein. New York: Penguin Group, 2000. 78-83. Print.